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SATP's Punjab table begins in 2000, roughly a decade after the insurgency it belongs to had ended. The peak — the early and mid-1980s through 1993, with fatalities in the thousands each year — is on SATP's page only as a single 1981-2000 aggregate with no annual rows, so it is outside this series entirely. Read a flat line near zero as the aftermath of a conflict that was over, not as evidence there was never one.

SATP's Punjab table begins in 2000, roughly a decade after the insurgency it belongs to had ended. The peak — the early and mid-1980s through 1993, with fatalities in the thousands each year — is on SATP's page only as a single 1981-2000 aggregate with no annual rows, so it is outside this series entirely. Read a flat line near zero as the aftermath of a conflict that was over, not as evidence there was never one.

SATP's Punjab table begins in 2000, roughly a decade after the insurgency it belongs to had ended. The peak — the early and mid-1980s through 1993, with fatalities in the thousands each year — is on SATP's page only as a single 1981-2000 aggregate with no annual rows, so it is outside this series entirely. Read a flat line near zero as the aftermath of a conflict that was over, not as evidence there was never one. Identification is made at the scene and is the most contested figure in any SATP sheet; read it as 'recorded as', not 'were'. The direction of good is left unset here for the same reason it is unset on every other side-of-conflict count on this site.

SATP's Punjab table begins in 2000, roughly a decade after the insurgency it belongs to had ended. The peak — the early and mid-1980s through 1993, with fatalities in the thousands each year — is on SATP's page only as a single 1981-2000 aggregate with no annual rows, so it is outside this series entirely. Read a flat line near zero as the aftermath of a conflict that was over, not as evidence there was never one.

SATP's Punjab table begins in 2000, roughly a decade after the insurgency it belongs to had ended. The peak — the early and mid-1980s through 1993, with fatalities in the thousands each year — is on SATP's page only as a single 1981-2000 aggregate with no annual rows, so it is outside this series entirely. Read a flat line near zero as the aftermath of a conflict that was over, not as evidence there was never one. Incidents, not attacks: an attack in which nobody died does not appear, so this tracks lethality rather than the volume of violence.

Nominal rupees, so part of the fall since 2016 is inflation rather than price competition. TRAI's figure is an average realised rate across bundles rather than a tariff, and headline comparisons of India as 'cheapest in the world' usually cite a different basket.

Per data *user*, not per subscriber: people who own a phone but buy no data are outside the denominator, which lifts the average above what an ordinary reading of ‘per subscriber’ would give. The Survey publishes a much longer comparison elsewhere — 0.06 GB a month in 2014 against 25 GB in 2025 — but only as those two endpoints, so it is not spliced onto this series.

VAHAN excludes Telangana and Lakshadweep, which do not report to it, so the national figure is a slight undercount. Two- and three-wheelers dominate the count; reading it as a car number overstates the passenger-vehicle transition by an order of magnitude.

Passengers handled at domestic terminals. The sheet also lists April-to-October part-years for FY24 and FY25; both are excluded, and the FY24 part-year in particular would otherwise contradict the full FY24 row directly above it.

A recognition count, not a count of companies trading. Recognition is an application a founder makes for tax and procurement benefits, so the series measures uptake of a scheme as much as formation of firms, and it never falls because recognitions are not withdrawn when a startup closes.

Visits, not visitors: one person touring four states counts four times, and the total exceeds India's population in most years for that reason.

Read from the Economic Survey workbook tabchart6, sheet "Chart VI.4". These are the tables behind the Survey's charts, so the series is only as long as the chart needed.

Overtook foodgrains by volume in the mid-2010s, which is the single clearest sign of the shift out of cereal monoculture and is rarely the number quoted.

A modelled estimate, not a count. WHO models country rates where civil registration is incomplete, and India's is; NCRB publishes India's own recorded suicide figures and they differ substantially from these. This site carries the WHO series because it is comparable across countries and across years, and grades it low confidence because the two sources disagree and neither can settle the other. It is a measure of deaths, not of how common mental illness is — a different question, declared separately and still unfilled.

A modelled estimate, not a count. WHO models country rates where civil registration is incomplete, and India's is; NCRB publishes India's own recorded suicide figures and they differ substantially from these. This site carries the WHO series because it is comparable across countries and across years, and grades it low confidence because the two sources disagree and neither can settle the other. It is a measure of deaths, not of how common mental illness is — a different question, declared separately and still unfilled. The gap between men and women is far narrower in India than in most countries, where male rates typically run at two to three times female rates. That narrowness is one of the more consistent findings about Indian suicide and is worth reading the two series against each other for.

A modelled estimate, not a count. WHO models country rates where civil registration is incomplete, and India's is; NCRB publishes India's own recorded suicide figures and they differ substantially from these. This site carries the WHO series because it is comparable across countries and across years, and grades it low confidence because the two sources disagree and neither can settle the other. It is a measure of deaths, not of how common mental illness is — a different question, declared separately and still unfilled.

A modelled estimate, not a count. WHO models country rates where civil registration is incomplete, and India's is; NCRB publishes India's own recorded suicide figures and they differ substantially from these. This site carries the WHO series because it is comparable across countries and across years, and grades it low confidence because the two sources disagree and neither can settle the other. It is a measure of deaths, not of how common mental illness is — a different question, declared separately and still unfilled. WHO publishes the age breakdown for a single year, so this is a profile rather than a trend and must not be read as one.

A modelled estimate, not a count. WHO models country rates where civil registration is incomplete, and India's is; NCRB publishes India's own recorded suicide figures and they differ substantially from these. This site carries the WHO series because it is comparable across countries and across years, and grades it low confidence because the two sources disagree and neither can settle the other. It is a measure of deaths, not of how common mental illness is — a different question, declared separately and still unfilled. A single year, not a trend.

A modelled estimate, not a count. WHO models country rates where civil registration is incomplete, and India's is; NCRB publishes India's own recorded suicide figures and they differ substantially from these. This site carries the WHO series because it is comparable across countries and across years, and grades it low confidence because the two sources disagree and neither can settle the other. It is a measure of deaths, not of how common mental illness is — a different question, declared separately and still unfilled. A single year, not a trend. In WHO's published breakdown the youngest band is the one place where the female rate exceeds the male rate, and by a wide margin. India is among a small number of countries where that is true, and it is invisible in any chart that reports both sexes together.

A modelled estimate, not a count. WHO models country rates where civil registration is incomplete, and India's is; NCRB publishes India's own recorded suicide figures and they differ substantially from these. This site carries the WHO series because it is comparable across countries and across years, and grades it low confidence because the two sources disagree and neither can settle the other. It is a measure of deaths, not of how common mental illness is — a different question, declared separately and still unfilled. Compare it against the crude rate: where they diverge, the gap is India's changing age structure rather than a change in risk.

Service areas are not states. Some cover two states, some split one, and Delhi, Mumbai and Kolkata are their own areas — so this is labelled by service area and is deliberately not drawn on the state map, which would assert a correspondence that does not exist. One TRAI report covers one quarter, so this is a snapshot rather than a series over time. The half of the gap that matters: rural tele-density runs far below urban in every service area, and the national figure hides the distance between them.

Service areas are not states. Some cover two states, some split one, and Delhi, Mumbai and Kolkata are their own areas — so this is labelled by service area and is deliberately not drawn on the state map, which would assert a correspondence that does not exist. One TRAI report covers one quarter, so this is a snapshot rather than a series over time. Above 100 everywhere, and above 190 in some areas. Read as SIMs per hundred residents, not as people connected.

Service areas are not states. Some cover two states, some split one, and Delhi, Mumbai and Kolkata are their own areas — so this is labelled by service area and is deliberately not drawn on the state map, which would assert a correspondence that does not exist. One TRAI report covers one quarter, so this is a snapshot rather than a series over time. Tele-density counts connections, not people, so it exceeds 100 per cent wherever people hold more than one SIM — which in urban areas is most of them.

Service areas are not states. Some cover two states, some split one, and Delhi, Mumbai and Kolkata are their own areas — so this is labelled by service area and is deliberately not drawn on the state map, which would assert a correspondence that does not exist. One TRAI report covers one quarter, so this is a snapshot rather than a series over time. Connections rather than people, and undirected on purpose: more SIMs in a service area is not straightforwardly better.